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Leveson: The incompetence theory gathers weight

Leveson: The incompetence theory gathers weight

Raymond Snoddy

Raymond Snoddy wonders what we have really learnt about phone-hacking and the relationship between the media and politicians from the remarkable appearances of both James and Rupert Murdoch before the Leveson inquiry?

Lord Justice Leveson could never have imagined in his wildest dreams just how much pandemonium he would cause in the media, the police and politics when he embarked on his inquiry. And it has always been the unexpected that has driven the agenda.

Yesterday everyone was interested in hearing how James Murdoch would cope with the forensic questioning of Robert Jay QC on phone-hacking and assorted matters – the bombs under the newsroom.

The real bombs that exploded in the face of culture secretary Jeremy Hunt were the hundreds of pages of emails between the Department of Media Culture and Sport and News International over BSkyB.

They led to the resignation of Hunt’s special adviser Adam Smith and a rough passage in the House of Commons for the culture secretary.

But apart from mayhem of the first order what have we really learnt about phone-hacking and the relationship between the media and politicians from the remarkable appearances of both James and Rupert Murdoch before the Leveson inquiry?

On phone-hacking we have progressed little other than to hear that Rupert Murdoch does not approve of either phone-hacking or the hiring of private detectives.

There is also a reinforced impression that both Murdochs fail to recall many things – events, meetings, dinners of real substance where most people might be able to summon up at least a vague memory trace.

Unlike his father James does not have the excuse of old age for the amnesia.

We all assumed that James would stick to his guns that he had not read to the bottom of a trail of emails that culminated in the allegation that phone-hacking had been rife at the News of the World.

Equally he could not have reasonably been expected to go back on his previous testimony before the Commons Select Committee that in-house lawyer Tom Crone and former News of the World editor had not drawn his attention to the seriousness of the matter whatever they might say now.

We must all now make up our own minds on whether James Murdoch was telling the truth. There is no more evidence to come – unless the Leveson inquiry throws up yet more surprises.

As the quietly spoken but persistent Jay put it: There are only two options left, either there was a cover-up or there was a massive failure of governance.

There is actually a third option highlighted by Lord Leveson himself. A massive failure of curiosity on the part of James Murdoch.

In the wake of the vast sum paid to Graham Taylor of the Professional Footballer’s Association after his phone was hacked Lord Leveson wanted to know why James Murdoch had not inquired how the whole thing had come about.

Answer came there none and the incompetence theory gathered weight.

It was added to when Robert Jay asked whether he regularly read the News of the World. “From time to time,” was the answer. The Sun? “I familiarise myself with its content,” he replied.

When asked why he had listed the Mosley “torture” chamber story in an in-house publication as one of the great News of the World stories, James Murdoch had to admit that he hadn’t read the story the whole way through.

It’s the detail that counts. James Murdoch, while executive chairman of News International, did not read in any sustained way and possibly hardly at all the two popular titles that brought in most of News International revenues. James Murdoch’s politicking was revealed as being rather more extensive than previously realised.

With Rebekah Brooks, James Murdoch decided that The Sun should back Cameron and the Conservatives in the last election, although the issue was discussed with Murdoch senior.

The fact that the Conservatives were expected to win and News Corporation was planning a bid for the part of BSkyB that it did not already own had nothing whatsoever to do with it. The timing of the bid, one month after the general election, was according to Rupert a coincidence.

James had earlier told the inquiry they waited until then to avoid being tangled up with a general election campaign.

Rupert Murdoch confirmed earlier reports that when the then Prime Minister Gordon Brown was told of The Sun‘s volte-face he threatened to declare war on News Corp.

He also confirmed that on big policy issues he told the editors of the News of the World and The Sun but not The Times or The Sunday Times what line to take.

From Robert Jay’s meander down memory lane in the search for how media organisations seek to use power to extract commercial favours from politicians we have a number of clear statements from Rupert Murdoch. He said he has never asked politicians for anything in his life – probably because he doesn’t have to.

Yet he did ask to meet Mrs Thatcher in 1981 when he was trying to take over The Times and The Sunday Times but he certainly didn’t ask that the deal should avoid a reference to the Competition Commission. Yet much to the surprise of most people involved at the time that was exactly the outcome.

It was also completely wrong that he said the editorial undertakings given to get the deal through “were not worth the paper they were written on”. It was also simply untrue that he identifies political winners and jumps on the bandwagon, as has been widely alleged. After all the New York Post and the Wall Street Journal opposed the election of President Obama.

“I am a curious person who is interested in the great issues of the day and I am not good at holding my tongue,” Murdoch told Leveson. While that is true Rupert Murdoch has always also known precisely where his commercial interests lie.

At least Murdoch senior has given up on attacking the BBC, mainly because he has lost faith in politicians of all political parties to tackle what he sees as a problem. “All Prime Ministers hate the BBC and give them everything they want,” claimed Murdoch straying momentarily off message.

What of Jeremy Hunt now? Great political embarrassment for him certainly and Adam Smith – the special adviser who went too far – has now gone.

Hunt will probably survive because he will be able to show he did follow due process but by then Leveson will have moved on to more headlines and probably further pandemonium.

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